In Southeast Asia, despite having many sizable and active democracies, politics is rapidly becoming a family affair. This pattern is concerning. An exclusive group of deeply rooted clans run the risk of holding all the power. That will disproportionately hurt the vibrant young people in the area, who are growing increasingly irritated with nepotism.
Though political dynasties are common in the West (consider the Bushes and Trudeaus, among others), Southeast Asia is not an isolated case. What is different is the sheer number of well-known names making a reappearance, given that the Old Order was overthrown in many regions in recent decades by unrest and financial crises.
Consider the Philippines, where clans have ruled over finances and influence since the country’s colonial past. Due to their privilege, they were able to purchase land in the years following Manila’s 1946 independence from US colonial administration. They benefited from this and moved up the economic ladder. Their ambitions to be successful in politics were aided by their wealth.
The Macapagal, Marcos, and Aquino families have produced six of the nation’s past nine presidents. The son of previous dictator Ferdinand Marcos is the current president, Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. While on a reporting trip to Manila for the 2022 election, I was astounded by how many common Filipinos had conveniently forgotten the avarice and corruption of his administration, which was overthrown in 1986 amid mass protests following two decades in power. Rather, they opted to accept a social media myth that the younger Marcos would usher in a supposedly stable and prosperous golden age.
Leveraging family mythology contributes to the appeal of this generation to voters. In Thailand, too, the offspring of a powerful political figure has been promoted. Paetongtarn, the 38-year-old daughter of former prime leader Thaksin Shinawatra, was appointed to his previous position earlier this month (which he lost in a coup in 2006). The position was held by her aunt and Thaksin’s sister, Yingluck, prior to their removal by the Constitutional Court in 2014.
Political dynasties are not limited to countries with vibrant democracies like the Philippines. It has been a year since Hun Sen, the long-time leader of Cambodia, relinquished his position to his son, Hun Manet, following over forty years in office. (In actuality, he continues to manage affairs in the background as both a lawmaker and the president of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party.)
The largest nation and economy in Southeast Asia is Indonesia. Widespread demonstrations this week put a stop to legislative actions that may have given the departing president’s son an easier route to political prominence. Up until recently, the vast archipelago was praised as a shining example of democracy in an area where nepotism and corruption, which never truly disappeared, appeared to be making a bold reappearance.
Joko Widodo was seen as a breath of fresh air when he was first elected in 2014. He was not from the normal ranks of generals and aristocrats who have ruled the nation; instead, he was a modest man who started out as a furniture manufacturer in a provincial city.
However, Jokowi, as he is more widely known, has made the most of his second term to make sure that his influence endures even after he leaves office in two months. Elisabeth Kramer, a senior lecturer at the University of New South Wales’ School of Social Sciences, told me that Jokowi has formed a coalition with so many parties in parliament that he is becoming unchallengeable due to the power base he has established. “By doing this, he and his family are able to maintain their exclusivity and privilege, ensuring that only a select group of people can successfully run for office and win.”
Strong leaders with dynastic aspirations are nothing new to Indonesians. Suharto was the exemplar; his 32-year dictatorship came to an end in 1998 amid violent protests over the Asian Financial Crisis. Among the complaints were the former general’s disregard for his children’s rising avarice and their use of their lineage to take advantage of the resource-rich country’s economy at the expense of regular people who were trying to survive.
Some Indonesians draw comparisons. Jokowi was dubbed “Raja Jawa,” the King of Java, on a popular news magazine cover that was reimagined from the Suharto era. The not-so-subtle implication is that Jokowi and his family lead opulent lives and are disconnected from the average Indonesian. The image of the man-of-the-people that he painstakingly created upon his election is a long cry from this.
Indonesian demonstrators have, for the time being at least, succeeded to preserve their democracy. It would be prudent for the departing president and other aspirants to dynasties in Southeast Asia to take a close look at Sheikh Hasina. After 20 years of intermittent administration that turned increasingly dictatorial and disrespectful of human rights, the daughter of Bangladesh’s founding father was compelled to leave the country quickly and humiliatingly earlier this month.
Kings and queens used to wage wars to guarantee that their offspring would succeed to the throne. However, because they were not duly elected, their subjects were forced to submit to them. Today’s democracies do not operate like that. The populace will eventually ensure that their views are heard. It would be prudent for leaders to leave their family at home.